High-Growth Firms and the Future of the American Economy High-growth firms account for a disproportionate share of job creation in the United States, according to this report. Share: Facebook LinkedIn Twitter Download the Report High-Growth Firms and the Future of the American Economy | Firm Formation and Economic Growth pdf Into early 2010, more than two years after the recession began, the American economy continues to send out mixed signals with respect to economic recovery: GDP growth looks set to recover, while unemployment is projected to remain high for many more years. The most important economic matter facing the country is job creation, not only in terms of employment itself but also for boosting sectors such as housing, which will not fully recover until job creation recovers. Discussions about jump-starting the U.S. economy—both from policymakers and pundits—primarily focus on measures that would expand job growth in existing companies. This report, the third in the Kauffman Foundation Research Series on Firm Formation and Economic Growth, draws on a new set of data, a special tabulation conducted by the Census Bureau at the request of the Ewing Marion Kauffman Foundation, calculated from the Business Dynamics Statistics (BDS) database. While previous research has emphasized the importance of new and young companies to job creation overall, this paper focuses on high-growth firms—the so-called “gazelles” that, despite their relatively small numbers, nonetheless account for a disproportionate share of job creation. The data generally show that: In any given year, the top-performing 1 percent of firms generate roughly 40 percent of new job creation.Fast-growing young firms, comprising less than 1 percent of all companies, generate roughly 10 percent of new jobs in any given year. This paper examines the relevance of these points in the national discussion on job creation. When the current conversation turns to small business as an instigator in economic growth, it still emphasizes existing firms. But a new discussion—one that not only promotes entrepreneurship, but, specifically, high-growth entrepreneurship—is necessary, because top-performing companies are the most fruitful source of new jobs and offer the economy’s best hope for recovery. Finally, this paper recommends strategies policymakers could follow to facilitate the creation and growth of more gazelle companies: Remove barriers that potentially block the emergence of high-growth companies.Focus on taxation, regulation, immigration, access to capital, and academic commercialization.Target immigrant entrepreneurs and universities, which may be likely sources for high-growth firms.
The Distributed Partnering Model for Drug Discovery and Development The major contributors to therapeutic innovations in the 20th century have been the pharmaceutical companies, with biotechnology companies adding significantly over the last twenty-five years. However, these models increasingly have failed in translating the advances of biomedical sciences into innovative products. Share: Facebook LinkedIn Twitter Download the Report The Distributed Partnering Model for Drug Discovery and Development pdf We suggest a modern-day paradigm for efficiently advancing new therapeutic products. This “distributed partnering” approach would involve four distinct, independent organizations to collaborate in a risk-adjusted manner to discover, define, develop, and deliver innovative products. The new model would feature the formation of companies called product definition companies (PDC), which would focus solely on advancing innovation through the initial definition research phase. PDCs would consist of a team of experienced professionals who would raise funds to manage several projects simultaneously. PDCs would acquire early-stage discoveries from research institutions and invest in defining product applications with a goal of selling the successful ones to pharmaceutical companies for further development and delivery.
Characteristics of New Firms: A Comparison by Gender This report indicates that women-owned firms have relatively underperformed men-owned firms in a number of measures. The Kauffman Foundation research tracked new businesses’ performance measures from 2004 to 2006 and correlated the data to gender based on primary owner characteristics, firm characteristics, industry and outcomes. It is third in a series of Kauffman Firm Survey (KFS) studies. Share: Facebook LinkedIn Twitter Download the Report Characteristics of New Firms: A Comparison by Gender | The Kauffman Firm Survey (KFS) pdf While the country’s 6.5 million privately held, women-owned firms generated an estimated $940 billion in sales and employed 7.1 million people in 2002, according to the U.S. Census Bureau, a Kauffman Foundation research report indicates that women-owned firms have relatively underperformed men-owned firms in a number of measures. The Kauffman Foundation research tracked new businesses’ performance measures from 2004 to 2006 and correlated the data to gender based on primary owner characteristics, firm characteristics, industry and outcomes. The research paper, titled Characteristics of New Firms: A Comparison by Gender, was prepared by Alicia Robb, Research Associate, University of California at Santa Cruz; and Susan Coleman, Assistant Professor of Finance, University of Hartford. It is third in a series of Kauffman Firm Survey (KFS) studies. The KFS surveyed nearly 5,000 businesses founded in 2004 and tracks them annually over their early years of operation. The survey focuses on the nature of new business formation activity and characteristics of the firms and owners over time. This dataset provides a rich picture, and a first-time glimpse, of the early capital structure decisions of new firms. Women-owned firms made impressive gains from 1997 to 2002, when the number of women-owned firms grew 19.8 percent, compared with a 10.3 percent growth rate in U.S. firms overall. During the same period, however, women-owned firms recorded lower survival numbers, as well as lower numbers for size, growth, earnings and profits. The data suggest that women-owned firms are smaller and less growth-oriented than men-owned firms. One measure in the KFS revealed that women-owned firms tended to start with less capital. Nearly 62 percent of women started their firms with less than $25,000, compared with 55.9 percent of men. A higher percentage of women had “low” credit scores (38.1 percent) compared to men (31.6 percent). This distinction in credit quality could have implications for women owners’ ability to secure financing, particularly in the form of debt, for their firms. Multivariate results provided a positive link between startup capital inputs and performance outputs in terms of assets, revenue and employment. Other key findings in the Gender Comparison report include: On average, both women and men firm owners were 44 years old, but men had more years of prior industry experience and devoted more time to the business.More women owners than men owners attended college, but men were more likely to graduate.Women were more likely to operate home-based businesses and were more likely to be organized as sole proprietorships, whereas men-owned firms tended to be LLCs or corporations.A higher percentage of women than men felt they had some comparative advantage.Approximately one-fifth of both women- and men-owned firms owned companies that had some type of intellectual property (patents, trademarks and/or copyrights) in their first year of operation.Women are more heavily represented in retail and “other services,” while men-owned firms are more heavily represented in construction.On average, men-owned firms had assets of $104,313, compared with $57,338 for women-owned firms. A follow-up to the KFS study, which will examine the first four years of these young firms, will be available in spring 2009.
Sources of Financing for New Technology Firms: A Comparison by Gender Women entrepreneurs launch high-technology firms with less financial capital than men, and continue to follow a different financial strategy over time. Share: Facebook LinkedIn Twitter Download the Report Sources of Financing for New Technology Firms: A Comparison by Gender | The Kauffman Firm Survey (KFS) pdf Women’s reliance on internal funding sources makes a difference: Years after startup, women-owned high-tech firms continue to lag behind men-owned firms in numerous performance measures, including revenues, profits, assets, and employment. This paper was compiled using data from the Kauffman Firm Survey (KFS), and authored by Alicia Robb of the Kauffman Foundation and Susan Coleman of the University of Hartford. Key findings: Women-owned high-tech firms were more likely to be organized as sole proprietorships or partnerships than as corporations or limited liability corporations. They also were more likely to be home-based businesses and less likely to have employees. This suggests that, even at startup, men anticipated developing larger and more complex firms than women.Over that same period of time, the women-owned high-tech firms continued to lag behind the men-owned firms in critical performance measures. For example, on average, women-owned firms had four employees in their fourth year of operation compared with nearly seven employees at men-owned firms.From startup through the fourth year of operation, the women-owned high-tech firms did make progress in raising substantial amounts of capital and in developing intellectual property.The women entrepreneurs remained unwilling or unable to develop external sources of equity capital over their first four years of operation, which could fund further innovations, employment or growth.Women in high-tech firms invested substantially higher levels of financial capital in their businesses than women not in high-tech industries, at startup, and over time.
The Use of Credit Card Debt by New Firms Credit card debt often fills startup firms’ equity gap, but those with continuing high balances have reduced likelihood of success, according to this report. Share: Facebook LinkedIn Twitter Download the Report The Use of Credit Card Debt by New Firms | The Kauffman Firm Survey (KFS) pdf Credit card debt reduces the likelihood that a new business will survive its first three years of operation, according to findings from the study, The Use of Credit Card Debt by New Firms, released by the Ewing Marion Kauffman Foundation. The study suggests that, during many firms’ first few years of operation, their credit card debt increases and then eventually stabilizes to manageable levels, while firms with high credit card debt close, and successful firms start paying off their debt. The report, The Use of Credit Card Debt by New Firms, bases its findings on data from the Kauffman Firm Survey, a panel study of new businesses founded in 2004 and tracked over their early years of operation. The new research was conducted by Robert H. Scott, III, assistant professor of economics and finance at Monmouth University in West Long Branch, N.J. More than half of all new firms rely on debt financing when they begin operations, and a vast majority of these businesses rely on credit card debt to fill any equity gap. Credit cards tend to appeal to small businesses for several reasons. They help small businesses manage their finances and streamline payments, and they are easier to get than traditional bank loans or government business grants. Credit cards smooth revenue streams—especially at the startup phase of operations—and, unlike other types of loans, credit card companies will never ask where their money went. About 58 percent of the KFS firms relied on credit cards to finance operations in their first year of business. The study results found that every $1,000 increase in credit card debt increases the probability a firm will close by 2.2 percent. In 2004, those businesses that closed had less credit card debt ($2,365) than businesses that survived ($3,638). This average increases 40 percent by 2005 for surviving firms and increases 190 percent for businesses that closed. However, by 2006, the one-year change in credit card debt balances for surviving firms was a marginal 1.8 percent gain; but the average balance actually decreased by 18.5 percent for firms that closed.
The Anatomy of an Entrepreneur Although entrepreneurs provide the majority of jobs in the United States, little is known about what makes them tick. The Anatomy of an Entrepreneur fills in some gaps by providing insights into high-growth founders’ motivations, their socio-economic, educational, and familial backgrounds, as well as their views on the factors determining the success of start-ups. Share: Facebook LinkedIn Twitter Download the Reports Are Successful Women Entrepreneurs Different From Men? | The Anatomy of an Entrepreneur pdf Family Background and Motivation | The Anatomy of an Entrepreneur pdf Making of a Successful Entrepreneur | The Anatomy of an Entrepreneur pdf A team of researchers led by Vivek Wadhwa of Duke University, Raj Aggarwal of the University of Akron, Krisztina Holly of the University of Southern California, and Alex Salkever of Duke University surveyed 549 company founders of successful businesses in high-growth industries, including aerospace, defense, computing, electronics, and health care. The findings are presented in the following two reports. Family Background and MotivationThe Anatomy of an Entrepreneur: Family Background and Motivation provides insights into high-growth founders’ motivations and their socio-economic, educational, and familial backgrounds. Findings include: More than 90 percent of the entrepreneurs came from middle-class or upper-lower-class backgrounds and were well-educated: 95.1 percent of those surveyed had earned bachelor’s degrees, and 47 percent had more advanced degrees. Seventy-five percent of the respondents ranked their academic performance among the top 30 percent of their high school classes, and 52 percent said they ranked among the top 10 percent. In college, 67 percent of the founders ranked among the top 30 percent of their undergraduate classes, and 37 percent ranked their performance among the top 10 percent. Founders tended to be middle-aged—40 years old on average—when they started their first companies. Nearly 70 percent were married when they became entrepreneurs, and nearly 60 percent had at least one child, challenging the stereotype of the entrepreneurial workaholic with no time for a family. Making of a Successful EntrepreneurThe Anatomy of an Entrepreneur: Making of a Successful Entrepreneur provides insight into company owners’ views about what influences the success or failure of a startup business. Entrepreneurs identified prior work experience, learning from previous successes and failures, a strong management team, and good fortune as the most important factors in their success. Findings include: Professional networks were important to the success of their current businesses for 73 percent of the entrepreneurs. In comparison, 62 percent felt the same way about personal networks. Only 11 percent of the first-time entrepreneurs received venture capital, and 9 percent received private/angel financing. Of the overall sample, 68 percent considered the availability of financing/capital as important. Of the entrepreneurs who had raised venture capital for their most recent businesses, 96 percent considered financing important. Eighty-six percent of Ivy-League graduates ranked university education as important, as compared with 70 percent of the overall sample. Only 20 percent of entrepreneurs and 18 percent of Ivy-League graduates ranked university education as extremely important. Most company founders (86 percent) ranked state or regional assistance as slightly or not at all important. In identifying barriers to entrepreneurial success, the most commonly named factor – by 98 percent of respondents – was lack of willingness or ability to take risks. Other barriers cited by respondents were the time and effort required (93 percent), difficulty raising capital (91 percent), business management skills (89 percent), knowledge about how to start a business (84 percent), industry and market knowledge (83 percent), and family/financial pressures to keep a traditional, steady job (73 percent).
The Coming Entrepreneurship Boom This research indicated the United States might be on the cusp of an entrepreneurship boom—not in spite of an aging population but because of it. Share: Facebook LinkedIn Twitter Download the Report The Coming Entrepreneurship Boom pdf Several facts have emerged in the course of Kauffman Foundation research that indicate the United States might be on the cusp of an entrepreneurship boom—not in spite of an aging population but because of it. This study shows that as the economic recession plagues the job market, more and more baby boomers are becoming entrepreneurs. The decline of lifetime employment, the experience and knowledge of the age group, longer lifespan, and the effect of the current recession are all factors contributing to the increase in entrepreneurial activity in the baby boom generation. The study was conducted by Dane Stangler, senior analyst at the Kauffman Foundation. Key findings: In every single year from 1996 to 2007, Americans between the ages of 55 and 64 had a higher rate of entrepreneurial activity than those aged 20-34, averaging a rate of entrepreneurial activity roughly one-third larger than their youngest counterparts. The 20-34 age bracket has the lowest rate of entrepreneurial activity. Long-term employment has fallen dramatically for people ages 35-64 over the past fifty years. With longer life expectancies and greater health in later life, older generations may continue to start new firms—or mentor young entrepreneurs. Since the first Internet-era recession, transaction costs and barriers to entry have fallen for entrepreneurs of every age.
Right Sizing the U.S. Venture Capital Industry This short paper considers one aspect of the future of the venture capital industry, its size. How big should it be in terms of the aggregate underlying financial commitment to venture partnerships? Does it need to be larger to better equip entrepreneurs to solve the important problems we as a society face? Should it be smaller to take more risks, drive higher returns, and thus keep investors satisfied? How should we think about the role of venture capital in the future? Share: Facebook LinkedIn Twitter Download the Report Right Sizing the U.S. Venture Capital Industry pdf The U.S. venture capital industry is at an inflection point. It has had many successes over the last three decades and is prominent worldwide for its role in financially catalyzing notable, high-growth companies. More recently, however, venture capital returns have stagnated and declined, with the industry having seen little recovery since its go-go days of the late 1990s. There is a growing and important debate about where the venture industry goes from here. No one is seriously arguing that the venture capital industry will cease being crucial in driving the growth of important companies in information technology, clean technology, and biotech, all of which are risky and, to a greater or lesser degree, capital-intensive. But there is ample reason to believe that the venture industry, at least in the United States, will be differently sized and structured in the future. This change will not come easily. Many venture industry participants are comfortable with their industry’s size, structure, and compensation model, which is tied to assets under management and can be highly remunerative. At the same time, the industry has become conflated with entrepreneurship in the popular imagination as well as in policy circles, with the result being a widespread and incorrect belief that venture capital is a necessary and sufficient condition in driving growth entrepreneurship. The result is strong resistance to change, as well as much support for the venture industry in its current form.
The Economic Future Just Happened According to this study, challenging economic times can serve as the rebirth of entrepreneurial capitalism, leading to the creation of much-needed new jobs. Share: Facebook LinkedIn Twitter Download the Report The Economic Future Just Happened pdf The study found that more than half of the companies on the 2009 Fortune 500 list were launched during a recession or bear market, along with nearly half of the firms on the 2008 Inc. list of America’s fastest-growing companies. The report also suggests a broader economic trend, with job creation from startup companies proving to be less volatile and sensitive to downturns when compared to the overall economy. From the study’s introduction: Amid the worst economic contraction since 1981-82, and possibly the Great Depression, attention has naturally turned toward the silver lining we might be able to find around the gloom. Some have turned toward historical work on the Great Depression, noting the bright spots that existed; others have examined the relationship, if any, between recessions and entrepreneurial activity. By peering into the economic past, we hope to somehow circumvent our very limited prognosticative abilities and answer the question, “What effect do recessions have on new firm formation?” This research study, analyzing data from the U.S. Census, the Fortune 500, and the Inc. list of America’s fastest-growing companies, presents three main findings: Recessions and bear markets, while they bring pain and often lead to short-term declines in business formation, do not appear to have a significantly negative impact on the formation and survival of new businesses. Well over half of the companies on the 2009 Fortune 500 list, and just under half of the 2008 Inc. list, began during a recession or bear market. We also find that the general pattern of founding years and decades can help tell a story about larger economic trends. Job creation from startups is much less volatile and sensitive to downturns than job creation in the entire economy. While these data are far from conclusive and can only hint at broader trends, they do illustrate a more fundamental economic reality: each year, new firms steadily recreate the economy, generating jobs and innovations. These companies may be invisible, or they may one day grow into household names. But they constantly come into being as individuals bring forth their economic futures.
Patterns of Financing: A Comparison between White- and African-American Young Firms This short report examines racial differences in access to financial capital. We focus on the role of capital injections—that is, injections of financial capital in the early, formative years after the business is started. Share: Facebook LinkedIn Twitter Download the Report Patterns of Financing: A Comparison between White- and African-American Young Firms | The Kauffman Firm Survey (KFS) pdf from the introduction: This short report examines racial differences in access to financial capital. We focus on the role of capital injections—that is, injections of financial capital in the early, formative years after the business is started. Our results indicate that stark racial differences in capital injections after a business is formed are an important and under-studied component of the racial gap in new business formation. Although nearly three-quarters of all new firms inject capital in either their second or third year of existence, we know relatively little about racial differences in financial capital use in the early years of operation. The lack of empirical evidence on this issue largely reflects the lack of panel data with information on financial capital inputs in years after start up as well as the demographic background of the business owners. In this paper, we make use of detailed information on capital injections through the Kauffman Firm Survey (KFS), a longitudinal study of businesses that began operation in 2004. The KFS tracks a panel of almost 5,000 firms from their inception in 2004 through 2006, detailing capital injections, sales, employment, and owner characteristics. The richness of these data allows us to study capital injections in great detail. Understanding how African-American firms access capital markets for injections of later-stage capital is important for a number of reasons. Previous research indicates that blacks have substantially lower levels of personal wealth, home ownership, bank loans, and startup capital, but there is no evidence on access to financial capital in subsequent years among young black firms. We also know little about whether black and white firms differ in the dynamics of financial capital use—in particular, substituting between external and internal capital over time. The median level of net worth among blacks is $6,200, eleven times lower than the white level. Low levels of black personal wealth may be detrimental to securing capital because this wealth can be invested directly in the business or used as collateral to obtain business loans. In addition to relatively low levels of personal wealth, previous research provides evidence that is consistent with black entrepreneurs facing lending discrimination. Black-owned firms experience higher loan denial probabilities and pay higher interest rates than white-owned businesses even after controlling for differences in creditworthiness and other factors. Finally, black-owned businesses have very low levels of startup capital relative to white-owned businesses and these differences persist across all major industries. If new black firms are constrained in their access to capital not just at startup, but also in subsequent years, then this could have a detrimental effect on their long-term performance. Of course, it also could be an indication that external investors expect lower long-term performance, and direct their capital accordingly. The existing literature suggests that lack of black access to capital is a potential barrier to successful entrepreneurship. Indeed, there is some evidence that racial differences in startup capital affect the relative performance of black-owned firms.